“Social progress can be measured by the social position of the female sex” - Karl Marx


Amidist Resistance to "De-Tribalisation", A Look at Why Jharkhand Polls are More Critical Than They Appear

Assembly elections in Jharkhand kicked off on Saturday, amidst a sense of discontent among the Adivasis, who make up sizeable 26% of the state’s population. In one way or another, tribal groups in the state have been simmering ever since the 2014 state polls. After those elections, veteran Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Raghubar Das assumed charge as the first non-tribal chief minister of the state.  

Jharkhand was carved out as a separate state in November 2000 and the prime motive was to provide focused development to the tribal groups of the region and protect their identity and natural resources. The selection of Das, who belongs to a social group classified in the Constitution as Other Backward Classes or OBC, became a reason for displeasure among tribal communities. In fact, Das is from the Rajnandgaon region of neighbouring Chhattisgarh province, which added to their angst. This dissatisfaction spilled over on the streets of the capital city Ranchi, the moment the new chief minister took charge and santhal groups staged protests and dharnas against it.  

The Adivasis are a force to reckon with in Jharkhand's electoral politics, as 28 of the state's 81 Assembly seats are reserved for a Scheduled Tribe (ST) candidate. In 2014, the BJP won 37 of the 81 seats with its regional ally, All Jharkhand Students Union or AJSU, which won five seats that helped it cross the threshold to majority in the Assembly. Can the BJP cross 40 seats alone, is the question. The AJSU has the backing of the kurmi OBC community, making it a prominent factor in the Chota Nagpur region and around. It remains to be seen if the split BJP-AJSU will divide the Kurmi vote.  

That said, arguably, it is not religion but ethnicity that dominates Jharkhand's social sphere. Also, during Das's five-year term, the Adivasis have found several other reasons to despair with the party ruling the state, other than the chief minister's origins and identity. Among wide sections of tribal groups, the perception has set in that a corporate-BJP nexus is stridently depriving, displacing and marginalising them.  

The reason is that in November 2016 the BJP-led coalition, which had garnered over 34% of the vote share (its own votes plus the 3.68% vote share of AJSU), amended the longstanding tenancy laws governing the state, the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act of 1908 and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act of 1949. Amending these laws, which were intended to largely prohibit the transfer of tribal land to non-tribal buyers and served to protect and regulate the community ownership of the land, turned out to be steps towards the de-tribalisation of the Adivasis.  

In addition, even the domicile policy accentuated the de-tribalisation process. The BJP's quest to consolidate its social base among the immigrant population manifested within a year of the carving out of the state of Jharkhand.  

The Babulal Marandi government in 2001 proposed a bill to consider 1932 land records as the base to decide the issue of Adivasi and Moolvasi versus Dikus (immigrants). This law was struck down by the Ranchi High Court in 2001. Later, 1986 was taken as the base as to whosoever have been living in Jharkhand since 1986 would be treated as domicile. This demographic change added to the numerical strength of the immigrants who came to further dominate the tribes.  

The BJP's political rivals, represented by the main opposition party, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), followed by the Congress party and the Jharkhand Vikas Manch (JVM), drove home the point among the tribes that the BJP government is disturbing the existing legal framework to please industrialists at their expense.  

Against the proposed amendments, the state governor Draupadi Murmu had received 192 protest petitions from various organisations affiliated with the tribal and environmental groups. There were massive public demonstrations by Adivasis and the bills were challenged inside the Jharkhand Legislative Assembly as well. It came to be widely acknowledged, even in the national press, that the chief minister had failed to read the pulse of tribal Jharkhand. The governor did not sign the bill into law.  

But the BJP moved another amendment in the Jharkhand Assembly the same year. This was to change the centrally-legislated Land Acquisition (Jharkhand Amendment) Act. Section 10A of the amended act exempts the government from four critical responsibilities: one, developing infrastructure projects, including schools, colleges, universities, hospitals and so on; two, conducting social impact assessment during land acquisition; three, seeking consent of the affected people, and four, ensuring food security. In this way, the very purpose of enacting the Land Acquisition Act-to provide fair compensation for those who lose their land to public projects-was being defeated.  

This further raised the spectre of a corporate-BJP nexus that would marginalise the interests of the tribes in the state. As a result, in the May 2017 by-polls for three seats of the Jharkhand assembly came around, the BJP lost every seat.  

By 2019, the scenario has only worsened. Even the mahto tribal community, who have usually supported the BJP electorally, appear to have developed considerable mistrust against the ruling party. This unease became evident when the AJSU led by Sudesh Mahto decided to contest the state election solo in 2019, and not as part of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA).  

Jamshedpur (Tatanagar), the city of the Tatas, is in Jharkhand. Recently, it was reported, based on voluntary disclosures by the BJP to the Election Commission, that it had received Rs 473 crore or 75% of its donations from the Tata Group's Progressive Electoral Trust. Not just the Tatas, a wide cross-section of India's corporate sector takes a lot of interest in elections in Jharkhand. The state accounts for 40% of the country's mineral resources. It is a thickly-forested state, providing all that an industrialist would need: Land, minerals, and water from the rivers Subarnrekha and Kharkhai. This also makes the elections for the small state of Jharkhand carry much more weight than its 81-member Assembly.  

By 2017, when its efforts to amend the land-related laws were frustrated, the BJP conveniently returned to its core Hindutva agenda in the state. So, in August 2017, it introduced and passed the Anti-Conversion Bill in the state Assembly. This provides for three years imprisonment and a fine of Rs 50,000 for a violation.  

Yet, the going is not all that smooth for the party. Tribal resistance to the BJP's attempted de-tribalisation of Jharkhand's Adivasis has lately manifested in the Pathalgadi movement. The ground for this resistance was laid when Das started promoting, in 2014 itself, the idea of a land bank. This paved the way for thousands of acres of non-cultivable land to be given away to the corporate sector. He organised a global investors' summit, "Momentum Jharkhand" in Ranchi on 16 and 17 February, 2017, where a number of memoranda of understandings (MoUs) were signed and the government adopted land banks as a policy. In June 2019, another Momentum summit was held, when it was reported that the state's revenue and land reform department has already acquired nearly 21 lakh acres of common land, mostly in the rural parts of the state.  

The Pathalgadi movement has now arisen as a symbol of the resentment of the tribal people against this kind of policy intervention. Through it, the tribal communities are seeking to replace the power of the central and the state governments with that that of the local gram sabha or village council. On 7 December, Khunti district and neighbouring areas go to the polls, along with constituencies covering a few other districts. Many villages in this belt have erected green-painted stone slabs at their entrances, which record the provisions of the Constitution that protect tribal self-representation and their rights to the land.  

The stone slabs also have engraved on them excerpts of the Panchayats' Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act, 1996. Such villages have also displayed explicit warnings that no outsiders/immigrants/dikus are allowed inside. In this form of protest, the tribal groups are invoking the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, which provides for "primacy of non-legislative sources of law, that is to say, custom or usage having the force of law."  

The PESA Act, it must be noted, was not an ordinary piece of legislation. It was special in that it was designed to encourage a form of government that built upon local traditions of participatory democracy. The Supreme Court, in the landmark 2013 ruling in Orissa Mining Corporation v. Ministry of Environment & Forest & Others held that "every gram sabha shall be competent to safeguard and preserve the traditions, customs of the people, their cultural identity, community resources and community mode of dispute resolution. Therefore, gram sabha functioning under the Forest Rights Act, read with Section 4(d) of PESA, has an obligation to safeguard and preserve the traditions and customs of the Scheduled Tribes and other forest dwellers, their cultural identity, community resources, and so on."  

The epicentre of this movement is Khunti, just about an hour's drive from Ranchi. This area is also the birthplace of iconic tribal leaders including Birsa Munda (1875-1900) and Jaipal Singh Munda (1903-1970). In response to Pathalgadi, Jharkhand's BJP government resorted to repression. On 26 June 2018, it slapped the draconian sedition charge against 10,000 Khunti residents. As Congress leader Rahul Gandhi said, the incident "should have shocked the conscience of our nation & raised a media storm. But it hasn't."  

Notwithstanding all the tribal discontent, in the Lok Sabha elections held in May 2019, the NDA secured comfortable victories in the seats reserved for the tribes, including Khunti. The voter turnout, and the margin of BJP victory was relatively higher in the reserved seats. In Jharkhand, intra-tribe stratifications between the santhals, ho, munda, oraon, etc, are no secret. These stratifications reflect in the electoral behaviour of each tribal group. The loyalties, however, keep shifting. For instance, the mahtos, usually with the BJP, have recently been assertive against the party in the state.  

Another factor is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which has developed a wide and deep presence in Jharkhand's tribal areas. Through its education wing, the Shishu Vidya Mandir, it has become a force to reckon with, as Tariq Thachil, an associate professor at Vanderbilt University, has elaborated in his 2016 book, Elite Parties, Poor Voters: How Social Services Win Votes in India.  

Further, once the members of tribes which fall on the lower end of the economic spectrum graduate into middle class, they tend to switch over to the BJP. The more deprived sections, who live mainly in rural areas, keep fighting for Jal-Jungle-Zamin (water, forests and land). This aspect of tribal politics is not very different from the economic and political transition that has been witnessed in recent decades in the "Naxal belt" of Bihar. The sections economically and socially empowered by radical left movements, in particular the dalits, have transferred their loyalty to mainstream political parties which are in a better position to provide state patronage.  

These apart, quite often, voter's concerns vary in the Lok Sabha and the Vidhan Sabha elections. Recently, in Haryana and Maharashtra elections the BJP has suffered significant erosions in its support base. In Jharkhand, the BJP is also suffering from intra-party feuds. By comparison, the Opposition formation, which comprises the JMM, the Congress and Rashtriya Janata Dal, who call themselves the mahagathbandhan or grand alliance, appears more united. The only hitch is that the state's 14% Muslims may not vote for them en bloc. Asaduddin Owaisi's All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Musilmeen or AIMIM has fielded candidates on 20 seats. The AIMIM is running a hashtag, AbBarabriKiBaatHogi (now we insist on equal treatment), which actually means that they will ask for a proportionate share in power.  

With nearly half the country's mineral deposits, Jharkhand is a dream come true for industrialists. It is also home to tribal peoples who claim that they own these resources, constitutionally, legally and as a basic right. Precisely because of the big questions it may end up answering, the Jharkhand Assembly election carries much greater importance than meets the eye.  

Zeeshan Ahmad is a law student, and Mohammad Sajjad teaches history, at Aligarh Muslim University. The views are personal.  


  • The Taj That is India
  • The BJP and Triple Talaq
  • Rohingya: A People Condemned!
  • 9 Key Qs Raised on First Day of Aadhaar Hearing in the Supreme Court
  • A Critical Analysis of Delhi's Human Development Index
  • 3 Army Divisions For 300 Terrorists In JK But No End to Violence: Certainly the Answer Does Not Lie in Force
  • 'It is Not the Left But the Congress That's the B-Team of the BJP'
  • Kasganj: A Story of People's Unity Fractured by Engineered Hate and Violence
  • Invisible Children Of Delhi
  • India 81 in Corruption Index, Amongst the "Worst Offenders"
  • Economists Hit Out Against Move to Privatise Public Sectors Banks
  • Tripura Trades Decency For False Eldorado
  • Syria's Bloody War
  • Pakistan And China Fill Space In Maldives Willfully Vacated By India
  • The Big Private Crop Insurance Scam: Farmers Par Premium of Rs 482, Receive Rs 5 as Insurance!
  • US Attack on Syria Violates International Law, Total Hypocrisy
  • Death Penalty Is Not The Answer To Sexual Violence: Implement Justice Verma Committee Report
  • Walls on Every Side: Trying to Get Data in India
  • The Ascent of Multi-Politics In Malaysia
  • Why the Objections to Marxism are Mistaken
  • The Rise and Fall of the Malaysian Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim
  • BDS Has Placed Israel on Notice
  • Can We Promote Peace in India, Today?
  • Burying The Two-State Solution
  • Corruption And Class Rule
  • Is Ethnic Cleansing Coming to India
  • Our Real Heroes
  • Confronting Journalism's Misogynistic Trolls
  • After 17 Years of War, A Peace Movement Grows in Afghanistan
  • Taking Play Seriously: Time to Make Sports A Fundamental Right!
  • Law Commission Publishes Consultation Paper on Sedition
  • Foreign Policy: Between Folly and Foibles
  • Suu Kyi's Continued Denial And Bangladesh's
  • Economy Crumbles as Fuel Prices Skyrocket, Household Budgets Hit
  • Rupee's New Low: A Dangerous Drift
  • Are We Still Ruled by The British?
  • From Anti-National to Urban Naxal: The Trajectory of Dissent in India
  • Learning the Power of Lies: Facts vs. Falsehoods in the Age of Trump
  • The Indian Economy is in a Tailspin
  • China Walks a Tightrope on The Uighur Muslim Issue
  • Is Ram Mandir a Mere Election Strategy of the BJP?
  • The Harsher Counters of India's Drug Legislations
  • BJP's Election Strategy: Data is the New Opium
  • Geographical Indication - India's Untapped Resource
  • Climate Change to Make Prediction of Furious Storms More Difficult
  • Mountain echoes for India
  • Maldives: Has the Wheel Turned Full Circle?
  • President Sirisena Needs to be Reached Sooner Rather Than Later
  • Plastic Pollution in India
  • Prejudice by Any Name
  • 29 Years After Fall of Berlin Wall, Europe Has 1,000 Km of Walls to Stop Migrants
  • The Leftover Women of Afghanistan
  • Harmony of Music and Politics of Silencing
  • The Economics of Policy: Prohibition and Free Water Supply
  • Threat to Democracy in the Age of Social or Anti-Social Media
  • Intellectual Property- A Vital Discipline
  • What Happened in Britain, and What's Next
  • Assembly Debacle: BJP Got Taken in by Its Own Fake News
  • India: Secular Democracy or Hindu Rashtra
  • Adani is Byword for Government's Climate Inaction as Australia Gears for Elections
  • How The Modi Government is Killing Off MGNREGS
  • The Year of the Gazan
  • Assembly Polls: Ten Crucial Takeaways Ahead of 2019
  • The Real Effects of Fake Propaganda on Migrants
  • Why NGOs in Pakistan Are at The Brink of Extinction
  • Dogged by Brexit
  • In My Own Voice: Citizenship Amendment Bill And You
  • Oil Giant Shell Finally Faces Its Day In Court For Complicity In Rapes And Murders in Nigeria
  • The Geopolitics of Pulwama
  • Shah Faesal Cuts Through Calls for Blood and Lays Out a Roadmap for Kashmir
  • Modi's ABC: Avoiding, Burying, Confusing
  • The Kashmir Question: A 'Made in India' Problem
  • Opposition Must Take a Stand Against the War Politics of Hindutva
  • 'Patriotism' Made Easy in Times of 'WhatsApp Elections'
  • Urban Poor Have Set Agenda for 2019 Elections
  • Will the US End Up Putting Sanctions on Every Country That Doesn't Bend to its Will?
  • Minority and Indigenous Women Human Rights Activists More Prone to Harassment UN Report
  • Tribute to Speaker Rabi Ray (1926-2017)
  • International Participation is Necessary Where State is Part of The Problem
  • Italy Takes Belt and Road to The Heart of Europe
  • The Legacy of Shaheed-e-Azam
  • In My Own Voice: Heroes or Hiroshima
  • The Modi Years
  • Election in Israel: A Race to the Bottom
  • Why Bangladesh Overtook Pakistan
  • Digital Monopoly Platforms, Modi Regime and Threat to Our Democracy
  • Elitism and Development
  • Jawaharlal Nehru and Organised Religion
  • A Brief History of the IUML and Kerla's Muslims
  • The Immunisation of Human Rights
  • How Can India Win The Struggle on Poverty?
  • The RSS's Chanakya Neeti
  • Diversity, Belonging and Multiculturalism
  • The Chinese Ambition
  • The Role City Govts Can Play in the Health of Citizens
  • Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew: Forgotten Warrior of Our Freedom Movement
  • Fighting Climate Change, Building Resilience
  • Mridula Sarabhai(the orignal anti-national)
  • Right to Education: A Dream Half Forgotten
  • Decoding One Nation One Poll
  • Tunisia Heads for Polls Amidst Economic Slowdown, Squsbbling and Crack Down on Islamic Extremist
  • Lynchings, Litchis and No Water: What the International Media is Saying Abount India
  • Blood in the Nile
  • Will the BNP Ever Again be a Major Political Force in Bangladesh?
  • 'Real Estate Brokers' Cannot Dampen The Palestinian Spirit
  • The Indian Liberal's Conundrum
  • Hope For Democracy in Sudan
  • In Depth: Water Crisis Looming Across Tamil Nadu
  • Missing Secularism in New Education Policy
  • Religion, Nationalism And Insurgency in Balochistan
  • Dim Lights, Closed Blinds: History Lessons From a Party in Power
  • Loan Waivers Need Better Designing to Prevent Farmer Suicides
  • Makimg Best Use of Sri Lanka's Strategic Location
  • FDI in Coal: Look Who's Coming to the Party
  • Weapons and the Never Ending Space Race
  • Thirty Years the Berlin Wall Brought Down
  • Reclaiming the Opposition and Political Space in India
  • An Interreligious Conference to Build Bridges in Sri Lanka
  • On 'Correcting' History and Akbar's Invasion of Kashmir
  • The Evolution of the 'Nobel Prize' in Economics
  • Close Coordination Between Turkey and Russia in Syria
  • Sri Lanka's Election Time Promises Costly to Keep
  • The India Economy and The Cobra Effect
  • Fascism: Is Liberal Use "Trivialising" This "Destructive Phenomenon?"
  • Treating the Poor as Development Guinea Pigs
  • A Not sp 'National Education Policy: Analysis Reveals Exclusion in Education Sector
  • University Fee Hikes Pave the Way for Selling Public Assets
  • The Truth About Middle Class 'Revolutions?
  • 50 Years of US Arms Trade: The Lasting Impact on West Asia
  • India Abjures Secularism in Bangladesh's View, Will Regional Cooperation Take a Hit?
  • Amidist Resistance to "De-Tribalisation", A Look at Why Jharkhand Polls are More Critical Than They Appear
  • The Dangerous Game of Citizenship: BJP Creates Divisive Agenda Through NRC
  • Revealed: US Losing Aghan War Due to "Fatally Flawed" War Strategies and Lack of Clear Objetives
  • 'Politics and Prejudice': Can Dalit-Bahujans and left Progressives Join Hands?
  • State Power's Attempts at Rewriting History
  • Afghanista's Tumultous Fourty-Year Journey
  • Nepal: Citizen's Needs Remain Sidelined as Turbulent Game of Politics Continues
  • "Enough is Enough": Secular India Revolts Against a " Majoritarian State"
  • Looking at Cuba's Revolution 61 Years On
  • Soleimani Murder Set to Spiral Out of Control, US Expected to Pressure India Under LEMOA
  • The Rise of Digital Media and The Viral Phenomenon of "Nowledge"
  • Thus Spake JP: Beware the Writing on the Wall
  • Sri Lankan Government Must Pay Attention to Problem-Solving in the North
  • Drowning Nation Clutches at Military Might?
  • India's Neighbourhood First Policy Crumbles
  • A Gobal Assault by the Far-Right
  • Delhi Riots: Historical Patterns, Complicity of Forces Point to Planned Violence
  • Behind The Protests Defending Public Education
  • Putting The Judiciary on Trial
  • "Sanctions Are a Crime": During Coronavirus Pandemic, Sanctions Against Iran, Venezuela Causing Medical Shortages
  • Social Messiahs or Smart Entrepreneurs?
  • Justice Gogoi Joining Rajya Sabha Points to a Constitutional Crisis
  • A Russian "Plays Long Game" Firewall for Venezuela Against US Sanctions
  • RSS and the Question of Morality
  • Establishing COVID-19 Hospitals in Record Time
  • A New "Medical Internationalism" Needed: Cuba At the Pandemic Frontlines Even As Wealthy States Neglect Healthcare
  • Why They Suffer: The Human/Animal Conflict
  • More Books and Snowy Mornings
  • Statesmanship Required to Avert Constitutinal Crisis in Sri Lanka
  • Combating 'Hate Virus': Communal Forces Divide in times of Global Pandemin
  • How Biometric Authentication Has Excluded MAny From The Public Distribution System
  • Lessons From Iraq: Before Trump Sues China, US Must pay for Unjust War on Iraq
  • The American War System And The Global 'War of Error'
  • Demilitarising Patriotism in The Covid Fight
  • Muslims Need a Fair Media
  • Sri-Lanka: Shock of Covid-19 Wanes, Nationalist Sentiments Rise as Elections Approach
  • Covid-19 in Brazil: A 21st Century 'Reenactment' of the 19th Century Yellow Fever?
  • Iran's Fuel Tankers for Venezuela Sail to Safety Under 'Chinese Shield'
  • US Protests Bear Lessons For Sri Lanka
  • India and Nepal in For A Prolonged Standoff?
  • The Fifth Schedule: Tribal Advisory Councils and International Perspectives
  • The Asian American Response to Pandemic-Era Racism Must Be Cross-Racial Solidarity
  • Is Police Brutality Exclusive to the USA?
  • Libya's Future Seema to Rest on Arrangements Between Russia And Turkey
  • China's strategic Mind And Method: "Long-Term Planning" Behind Country's Geo-Political Moves
  • Returning Migrants: A Boon For Rural Industrialisation?
  • Why Refugees in Greece Are Afraid of the Word 'Camp'''
  • Black Lives Matter Movement And Its Lessons For India
  • US Provocations Trigger Tension in Sino-American Relations
  • Inclusive Representation Required In Sri Lanka's Decision-Making Bodies
  • Humanists At Risk: Demonising Dissent, Infantilising Society
  • Putin Anticipates 'Cascading Tension', Hints At Need To Rest World Order
  • Why the Neoliberal Agenda Is a Failure at Failure at Fighting Coronavirus
  • Covid-19 Underscores Importance of Local Planning
  • BRI Drive Post-Covid-19 Global Economic Recovery', Claims China
  • Are We Mainstreaming or Simply Trivialising Biodiversity?
  • Is Iran's Influence in Iraq Waning?
  • Green Economic Recovery: A Firm Commitment Required
  • Ease Of Doing Business VS Human Development
  • Provincial Councils The Best Option For A Peaceful Sri Lanka?
  • Revisiting the GDP Paradox
  • Coverange of Ayodhya Sparked "Convenient Collective Amnesia"
  • Prashant Bhushan And The Case of Contempt: "An Example of How Not to Write A Judgment"
  • Strengthening the Capacity of Gram Sabhas
  • Far Right Authoritarian Leaders Have Intensified The Pandemic in Their Countries
  • Congress And The Hindutva Campaign: "The Middle Path is Fast-Disappearing"
  • Trump Faces Backlash at Attempts to Suppress Mail-In Voting
  • Meeting the Covid Challenge to Define Our Nationhood
  • Capitalism's Political Problem: In Constant Conflict With Democracy
  • Anti-CAA Movement: How The 'OutSider' Discourse Dismisses Dissent
  • Centre Shirks Responsibility, "Abandons States" For Political Gain
  • Healing the Health System
  • Emerging Challenges for the International Labour Organisation
  • After Ayodhya, Kashi-Mathura On Temple Politics Agenda?
  • Unlike Today's Farm Bills, Even Britishers' Champaran Agrarian Bill Underwent Legislative Scrutiny
  • Science in Industry and the Academy
  • The US Supreme Court Has Never Been Liberal
  • Coronavirus Pandemic and Recessions: Disastrous for 'White Collar' Jobs
  • What Does Justice Mean Today?
  • Bihar's Political Ennui Can Only be Overcome by the Left
  • Gender Budget: Kerala Leads the Way, The Centre Should Follow
  • The Fight for Right to Information
  • Will Swing Voters Make Bihar Elections a Closer Contest Than Anticipated?
  • AMY Coney Barrett Sworn in as us Supreme Court Judge: Major Victory For the Right Wing
  • Thailand Protests - Youth Demand Greater Democratic Freedom
  • Unemployment a Key Issue in Bihar Elections
  • Capitalists Hungry For Land in Developing Countries Are a Threat to Indigenous Communities
  • Signals From Bihar: BJP and Left 'Sure Winners', Congress 'Neither Here Nor There'
  • Trump Lost But May Continue to Wield His Weapons of Destructions
  • Healing Divisions Post Election is The Challenge
  • 8 'Fruitless' Talks Later: XI Refuses to Budge, Modi in 'No Mood to Ruffle Feathers'
  • A Biden Presidency Hails The Return of The 'Ancien Regime'
  • Locating Nehru's Place In History
  • Why The BJP Has Shifted Focus From 'Congress Mukt Bharat' To Regional Parties
  • As People's Distress Grows, BJP Government is Busy Else where
  • The West Asia Trump Leaves Behind
  • Ambedkar's Vision Stands In Agonising Contrast to the Babri Masjid Demolition
  • Diversity in Nation Building: Recognising the Role of The Minority
  • Farmers Turn the Spotlights on Big Business
  • America's Vaccine Paranoia
  • Afghanistan: Despite US-Taliban Agreements, Peace Remains Elusive
  • Kisan Protests Are More About Survival of the Peasantry
  • Kamalji - Goodbye My Friend!
  • Condolence Message for Mr Kamal Morarka
  • Global dynamics in 2021
  • Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan: Muslims for Composite Indian Nationalism
  • Rajapaksas Regime Under Multiple Pressures
  • Coup Attempt in Jordan Leaves a Trail
  • What Kind of Political Candidates Did Gandhi Hope Voters Would Support?
  • Are Indian Students Losing Out on Past History as Textbooks are Being Changed?
  • Hamas Emerges as the Charioteer of the Palestinian Resistance Against Israel
  • Each City Has its Unique Fingerprint of Microorganisms: Global Study
  • Pandemic, Joblessness, Falling Incomes and Now a Crushing Price Rise
  • Voting for Restoration of Democracy: Electoral Choices