“Social progress can be measured by the social position of the female sex” - Karl Marx


Bihar's Political Ennui Can Only be Overcome by the Left

Indian politics stands on a precipice. The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has failed on all fronts. Despite its failure, it dares to smother democracy by not allowing debates in Parliament, suspends elected parliamentarians and restricts all possible means of debate and discussion.  

Yet, this should not be read as the violent gasps of a dying entity. The BJP still retains a considerable presence in Indian politics, courtesy its control over media, successful communalisation of “civil society” and a total failure of the Opposition, especially the bourgeois-liberal. The Left has stood up to the challenge more steadfastly than the former. Current trends from West Bengal, administrative success in Kerala and a strong peasant movement under the All India Kisan Sabha and other Left peasant organisations are pointers towards a resurgence of the Left.  

In this context, the Assembly election scheduled for October-November in Bihar is pregnant with opportunities for the Left. The election is poised to be a contest between the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and the Opposition's Mahagathbandhan or Grand Alliance. The Left has decided to go with the latter, principally out of commitment to secularism and uncompromising anti-BJP stance.  

But this time, anti-BJPism does not seem to be the best way forward. The upcoming election is the last to be predicated upon Mandalism (caste-based reservations). A rapidly shrinking public sector and selling off of public utilities has drastically reduced employment-generating possibilities of reservations. The BJP would not be foolish enough to touch reservations in view of a backlash, and will be content selling the public utilities.  

Second, stalwarts of Mandalism are awaiting their political and physical extinction. For, state Chief Minister Nitish Kumar is going to hang his boots after these elections and the health of his predecessor, Lalu Prasad Yadav, is in decline. The BJP is cunningly aware that after Nitish, there is no other leader that could match his charisma in the Janata Dal (United) and posit himself/herself to be electorally palatable to the Biharis. It is estimated that there will be a huge exodus of rent-seeking MPs and MLAs to BJP at best, and worse there would be a full merger of JD(U) into BJP.

What happened to Sharad Yadav on his protestations against JD(U)'s about-turn from the alliance (erstwhile Mahagathbandhan) serves well as an example. And a similar ship jumping would be seen in a post-Lalu Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), whose upward mobile "Yadav" and other leaders might want to merge with BJP. The ability of BJP to affect this is testified by its wrecking of the formidable Mulayam Singh Yadav family in Uttar Pradesh, wherein Shivpal Yadav, Mulayam's younger brother, sabotaged the electoral prospects of the party from within.

The Yadavs forming 16% of the state's population no more remain a lot blindly loyal to Lalu Prasad. In Madhepura, there is an adage, 'Rome Pope ka, Madhepura Gope ka' (Like Rome is Pope's, Madhepura belongs to the Yadavs). In the last Lok Sabha elections, a low-profile JD(U) leader, Dinesh Chandra Yadav, defeated the heavyweight candidate Sharad Yadav by a margin of more than four lakh votes. Similarly, in Pataliputra, another high Yadav population constituency, Lalu's fielding of his daughter, Misa Bharti, irked long-time associate Ram Kripal Yadav, leading to his departure to BJP and the final wresting of the seat by him.

This again points towards the fungibility of the secular votes and secular candidates. Again in Ujiyarpur, Upendra Kushwaha lost by a margin of 2.77 lakh votes. Despite the presence of a strong Kushwaha population, the Yadavs voted en masse for the BJP-JDU alliance, contributing to the latter's victory. Although the Pulwama 'terror' attack overdetermined the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, especially in the Hindi belt, there is more to such reversals in voting patterns of castes.

According to the 2019 post-poll survey conducted by Lokniti, 55% Yadavs voted for RJD-Congress coalition as opposed to 21% for the NDA. This trend is bound to increase in the latter's favour. There are deeper forces at work whose unravelling is necessitated by fresh research and new politics around it.  

The Muslims, who form around 16.87% of the state's population have been solidly behind RJD after the Bhagalpur riots of 1989. The late Ram Vilas Paswan's Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), albeit a minor party, had at once enjoyed solid support base among the Muslims. LJP's best performance came in 2005 Assembly elections wherein it received 12.6% of the total votes and won 29 seats. And when both RJD and JD(U) BJP alliance fell short of a majority, Paswan made his support conditional on the appointment of a Muslim Chief Minister. Both RJD and JD(U) rejected the condition and in the re-elections held in October, LJP won just 10 seats. With the benefit of hindsight, it is interesting to note that Ram Vilas was making a reasonable demand which would have soothed Muslim political sentiments because of the Gujarat riots of 2002 and the simmering communalism under the recently-defeated NDA rule.  

Lalu Prasad could have at least offered deputy chief ministership to a Muslim or would have decided to man the office on a rotating basis, especially as there was no dearth of senior Muslim incumbents. It would have shot the RJD leader';s version of secularism through the rooftop of Indian politics. And it would have given him and his supporters a brighter halo compared with the now bygone track record of stopping LK Advani's ignoble Rath Yatra and a clean slate on the question of any formal or informal alliance with BJP at the Centre or state. This was not to happen.

Lalu Prasad's blood oath to make every member of his family an active politician came in between. And Paswan found in the BJP the means of political survival, not promised by his main caste constituency, the dusadhs, who are the second-largest group under the Scheduled Caste category, accounting for about 30% of the total 16% SC population, following the chamars, who constitute 31.3%.  

The entry of Asaduddin Owaisi's All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen or AIMIM in Bihar is no surprise. This surrogate crusader of Muslim interests has confirmed a long-held impression that he is nothing but the B team of BJP. Owaisi, unlike Badruddin Ajmal of Assam (AIDUF) and Muslim League in Kerala, is never known to work solidly against BJP. Recently, Ajmal aligned with the Congress to defeat BJP in Assam. With his eloquence, Owaisi has made a mark for himself in Parliament but never allowed the benefit of his eloquence to accrue to any secular political parties, even when there was a direct fight against BJP. The last Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra and Bihar elections are cases in point.  

In Bihar, AIMIM's candidate polled a decent 27% of the total votes from Kishanganj, finishing third. He was further emboldened by the victory in the Kishanganj Assembly by-elections held in 2019 in which AIMIM candidate Qamrul Hoda secured 41.46% of the total votes polled. With the formation of the United Democratic Secular Alliance, Owaisi is being dubbed as the "spoiler of secular votes", which on a casual reading he is, but there is something even more sinister to his appearance on the political scene.   

AIMIM's arrival is part of BJP's long-term plan to create the political "other" in a post-Mandal Bihar. As things stand, the departure of Lalu Yadav would leave Muslims in a precarious situation. The Muslim-Yadav combine, which hitherto served as the broadest moat against the saffron tide, is bound to be breached. And Congress is in no position to harken Muslims in its supposedly secular fold. Congress would miserably fall short of the winnability factor, crucial to gain the political confidence of the minorities.  

In this situation, gravitation towards the incendiary speeches of the Owaisi brothers, especially the younger one, is well within the realm of the possible. BJP would be quick to seize this opportunity and make AIMIM the new "scarecrow" of Bihar politics against which all Hindus should unite under its own leaky umbrella. Such a strategy is poised to serve its purpose.  

For instance, secular criminals such as Shahabuddin would become "Muslim criminals". His reign of terror in Siwan, which made the Left lose its charismatic comrade, Chandrashekhar Prasad, fondly called Chandu, would be re-written as a tragic repeat of proto-Mughal ruthlessness aided and abetted by a secular government.  

For any rational minority-based political party or politician, it is impossible to counter majoritarianism on its own. It would be just like a Hindu party in Pakistan denouncing all parties and criticising the basis of the state-Islam. It would be politically suicidal. Fancy why Owaisi is doing this when it is more than apparent that his party could never have a national or for that matter a regional presence. Like our politics, his is not class politics but sectarian politics with a feudal heritage.

The death by suicide of actor Sushant Singh Rajput and the political consolidation around it in Bihar points towards such a possibility. The ignominy was unbearable, yet the way the then sitting DGP of Bihar police, Gupteshwar Pandey, reacted along with other incumbent Union ministers from Bihar such as RK Singh, shows how low BJP could possibly stoop. One wonders what would have happened had Sushant Singh Rajput's girlfriend, Rhea Chakraborty, been a Muslim.

The BJP is also jacked up to destroy the gains of caste assertion of the backward classes/castes afforded by the implementation of the Mandal Commission report. Nothing could be more saddening that this is being aided by the inglorious leadership of Schedule Castes, the ex-untouchables. The latter account for 16% of the total population with 93.3% residing in rural areas. The vast majority of them, 67%, are bereft of cultivable land for subsistence. They have not benefited from any land reforms initiated in the state. The abolition of zamindari brought benefits to the middle peasantry and protected tenants, but not landless labourers, overwhelmingly consisting of the SCs.  

It is the yadavs, koeris and kurmis (upward backward castes) who gained most from these reforms, which emboldened them to demand a larger share in political power. Sociologist Anand Chakravarti in his 2018 study of SCs in Muktidih, a village in South-West Bihar, Is this Azaadi? - Everyday Lives of Dalit Agricultural Labourers in a Bihar Village, brings to bear their abject poverty. Despite the village being situated on fertile canal-irrigated land, the SCs constituting almost 30% of the population, owned almost no land. The tragedy becomes manifold because of a severe lack of nutrition, thanks to a deeply corrupt public distribution system, something as innocuous as dal (lentil) still remained a luxury!

Fraudulent private ration shops and arbitrary entry of higher castes in the poverty line list in lieu of the SCs has further exacerbated matters for the latter. Yet 76% of the SCs ended up voting for the NDA in the last elections. The efforts of the United Progressive Alliance or UPA to mobilise them around the issues of rural distress, price rise, and rampant unemployment failed.  

Over three-fourths of the rural voters admitted to having availed no benefit whatsoever from the Prime Minister's flagship schemes like Ayushman Bharat, Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana and Atal Pension Scheme. The deceptive Ujjwala Yojana scheme benefited only 32% i.e. a third of the voters. Despite this, the approval ratings stood at 75% and 76% for Central and state governments, respectively.  

The political ennui which has set in Bihar could only be overcome by the Left, which has been at the forefront of dalit assertion, called for radical land reforms and raised its voice against the rampant corruption plaguing public administration at all levels. It is high time that it should proffer itself as the alternative to the rapidly faltering Mandal predicates.

Playing around with caste arithmetic to win against the Hindutva juggernaut has two fundamental problems. First, it pushes the class question under the carpet once and forever. Such is the centripetal strength of this strategy that maintenance of the status quo becomes an end itself. No wonder Lalu Yadav commented with terse brusqueness on the possibility of land reforms by saying "balancewa bigad jayega"! (the balance will be tilted)

Second, caste leaders have not been known to affect a democratic transition of leadership within their parties. Almost all caste-based political parties degenerate into family fiefdoms or individual cults. The Bahujan Samaj Party led by Mayawati is a case in point. This leads to an ultimate degeneration of emancipatory politics as popular participation of the socially backward castes is no more ensured at the level of social movements geared towards the annihilation of castes or related themes. Instead, gatherings at obnoxious birthday bashes, gala festivals and idol-making became the norm. And these merrymaking events often become a bloody affair. For instance, in 2009, Mayawati was embroiled in allegations around the murder of public works department engineer Manoj Kumar Gupta, who was brutally lynched in Auraiya by a BSP MLA, for failing to fulfil the demand for contributions to Mayawati's birthday fund.

Neither are tokenisms of dalit representation at high ministerial offices substitutes for policies and their right implementation by the largely inept bureaucracy. Even Congress propped dalit mascots -- Damodaram Sanjivayya was chosen as Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh (1960-62) when Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy was forced to resign.  

The Left parties should come together and form a Left Democratic Front and contest on not more than 50 to 60 seats. They must concentrate on their current and erstwhile strongholds while at the same time appeal to the general masses of Bihar to go ensure the defeat of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance. This would keep intact the unblemished track record of the Left's anti-BJP politics in the eyes of the downtrodden and the minorities.

At the same time, a new political configuration would emerge which could be taken forward by the likes of Kanhaiya Kumar and many other anonymous cadres of other Left parties. The Begusarai contest between Kanhaiya Kumar and the rabidly communal, Giriraj Singh ended in a loss but the campaign itself was a break from the mundane in Bihar. Youth cutting across all castes and creeds participated in roadshows and campaigned vigorously for the Left.  

The current crisis is unparalleled in Bihar. More than three million migrant workers were forced to return home (Bihar) in the most ruthless condition. These are generally deactivated political subjects as they end up doing menial jobs in far-away cities for a pittance leaving behind a near broken home. This time they have the potential to become solid political ballast for the Left if the latter approaches them to redress their grievances. Richer states like Punjab are availing their services at three times their earlier wages by fetching them from the remotest villages in Bihar in private buses.  

The distraught migrant workers are both flummoxed and furious at this sudden increase in their worth. The Left parties could take many creative measures to ensure their political participation. It can pitch the idea of unionising these workers to better their bargaining power vis-a-vis their employers in other states. The general lot of workers would come together to form such a union before leaving Bihar which would then be subject to political supervision by the state branch of that union. This would increase the camaraderie between the workers of different states.

Another significant demand that the Left should make on the government is to provide job and income opportunities to this section within Bihar. Since all consecutive governments have dismally failed to provide so, this demand would appeal the most to the rural poor.  

The current crisis conjuncture should be utilised by the Left to give a new hope to the wretched and destitute of Bihar. We should ask ourselves two questions-If not we then who? If not now, then when?  

The author is a student at the Department of World History, University of Cambridge. The views are personal.  


  • The Taj That is India
  • The BJP and Triple Talaq
  • Rohingya: A People Condemned!
  • 9 Key Qs Raised on First Day of Aadhaar Hearing in the Supreme Court
  • A Critical Analysis of Delhi's Human Development Index
  • 3 Army Divisions For 300 Terrorists In JK But No End to Violence: Certainly the Answer Does Not Lie in Force
  • 'It is Not the Left But the Congress That's the B-Team of the BJP'
  • Kasganj: A Story of People's Unity Fractured by Engineered Hate and Violence
  • Invisible Children Of Delhi
  • India 81 in Corruption Index, Amongst the "Worst Offenders"
  • Economists Hit Out Against Move to Privatise Public Sectors Banks
  • Tripura Trades Decency For False Eldorado
  • Syria's Bloody War
  • Pakistan And China Fill Space In Maldives Willfully Vacated By India
  • The Big Private Crop Insurance Scam: Farmers Par Premium of Rs 482, Receive Rs 5 as Insurance!
  • US Attack on Syria Violates International Law, Total Hypocrisy
  • Death Penalty Is Not The Answer To Sexual Violence: Implement Justice Verma Committee Report
  • Walls on Every Side: Trying to Get Data in India
  • The Ascent of Multi-Politics In Malaysia
  • Why the Objections to Marxism are Mistaken
  • The Rise and Fall of the Malaysian Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim
  • BDS Has Placed Israel on Notice
  • Can We Promote Peace in India, Today?
  • Burying The Two-State Solution
  • Corruption And Class Rule
  • Is Ethnic Cleansing Coming to India
  • Our Real Heroes
  • Confronting Journalism's Misogynistic Trolls
  • After 17 Years of War, A Peace Movement Grows in Afghanistan
  • Taking Play Seriously: Time to Make Sports A Fundamental Right!
  • Law Commission Publishes Consultation Paper on Sedition
  • Foreign Policy: Between Folly and Foibles
  • Suu Kyi's Continued Denial And Bangladesh's
  • Economy Crumbles as Fuel Prices Skyrocket, Household Budgets Hit
  • Rupee's New Low: A Dangerous Drift
  • Are We Still Ruled by The British?
  • From Anti-National to Urban Naxal: The Trajectory of Dissent in India
  • Learning the Power of Lies: Facts vs. Falsehoods in the Age of Trump
  • The Indian Economy is in a Tailspin
  • China Walks a Tightrope on The Uighur Muslim Issue
  • Is Ram Mandir a Mere Election Strategy of the BJP?
  • The Harsher Counters of India's Drug Legislations
  • BJP's Election Strategy: Data is the New Opium
  • Geographical Indication - India's Untapped Resource
  • Climate Change to Make Prediction of Furious Storms More Difficult
  • Mountain echoes for India
  • Maldives: Has the Wheel Turned Full Circle?
  • President Sirisena Needs to be Reached Sooner Rather Than Later
  • Plastic Pollution in India
  • Prejudice by Any Name
  • 29 Years After Fall of Berlin Wall, Europe Has 1,000 Km of Walls to Stop Migrants
  • The Leftover Women of Afghanistan
  • Harmony of Music and Politics of Silencing
  • The Economics of Policy: Prohibition and Free Water Supply
  • Threat to Democracy in the Age of Social or Anti-Social Media
  • Intellectual Property- A Vital Discipline
  • What Happened in Britain, and What's Next
  • Assembly Debacle: BJP Got Taken in by Its Own Fake News
  • India: Secular Democracy or Hindu Rashtra
  • Adani is Byword for Government's Climate Inaction as Australia Gears for Elections
  • How The Modi Government is Killing Off MGNREGS
  • The Year of the Gazan
  • Assembly Polls: Ten Crucial Takeaways Ahead of 2019
  • The Real Effects of Fake Propaganda on Migrants
  • Why NGOs in Pakistan Are at The Brink of Extinction
  • Dogged by Brexit
  • In My Own Voice: Citizenship Amendment Bill And You
  • Oil Giant Shell Finally Faces Its Day In Court For Complicity In Rapes And Murders in Nigeria
  • The Geopolitics of Pulwama
  • Shah Faesal Cuts Through Calls for Blood and Lays Out a Roadmap for Kashmir
  • Modi's ABC: Avoiding, Burying, Confusing
  • The Kashmir Question: A 'Made in India' Problem
  • Opposition Must Take a Stand Against the War Politics of Hindutva
  • 'Patriotism' Made Easy in Times of 'WhatsApp Elections'
  • Urban Poor Have Set Agenda for 2019 Elections
  • Will the US End Up Putting Sanctions on Every Country That Doesn't Bend to its Will?
  • Minority and Indigenous Women Human Rights Activists More Prone to Harassment UN Report
  • Tribute to Speaker Rabi Ray (1926-2017)
  • International Participation is Necessary Where State is Part of The Problem
  • Italy Takes Belt and Road to The Heart of Europe
  • The Legacy of Shaheed-e-Azam
  • In My Own Voice: Heroes or Hiroshima
  • The Modi Years
  • Election in Israel: A Race to the Bottom
  • Why Bangladesh Overtook Pakistan
  • Digital Monopoly Platforms, Modi Regime and Threat to Our Democracy
  • Elitism and Development
  • Jawaharlal Nehru and Organised Religion
  • A Brief History of the IUML and Kerla's Muslims
  • The Immunisation of Human Rights
  • How Can India Win The Struggle on Poverty?
  • The RSS's Chanakya Neeti
  • Diversity, Belonging and Multiculturalism
  • The Chinese Ambition
  • The Role City Govts Can Play in the Health of Citizens
  • Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew: Forgotten Warrior of Our Freedom Movement
  • Fighting Climate Change, Building Resilience
  • Mridula Sarabhai(the orignal anti-national)
  • Right to Education: A Dream Half Forgotten
  • Decoding One Nation One Poll
  • Tunisia Heads for Polls Amidst Economic Slowdown, Squsbbling and Crack Down on Islamic Extremist
  • Lynchings, Litchis and No Water: What the International Media is Saying Abount India
  • Blood in the Nile
  • Will the BNP Ever Again be a Major Political Force in Bangladesh?
  • 'Real Estate Brokers' Cannot Dampen The Palestinian Spirit
  • The Indian Liberal's Conundrum
  • Hope For Democracy in Sudan
  • In Depth: Water Crisis Looming Across Tamil Nadu
  • Missing Secularism in New Education Policy
  • Religion, Nationalism And Insurgency in Balochistan
  • Dim Lights, Closed Blinds: History Lessons From a Party in Power
  • Loan Waivers Need Better Designing to Prevent Farmer Suicides
  • Makimg Best Use of Sri Lanka's Strategic Location
  • FDI in Coal: Look Who's Coming to the Party
  • Weapons and the Never Ending Space Race
  • Thirty Years the Berlin Wall Brought Down
  • Reclaiming the Opposition and Political Space in India
  • An Interreligious Conference to Build Bridges in Sri Lanka
  • On 'Correcting' History and Akbar's Invasion of Kashmir
  • The Evolution of the 'Nobel Prize' in Economics
  • Close Coordination Between Turkey and Russia in Syria
  • Sri Lanka's Election Time Promises Costly to Keep
  • The India Economy and The Cobra Effect
  • Fascism: Is Liberal Use "Trivialising" This "Destructive Phenomenon?"
  • Treating the Poor as Development Guinea Pigs
  • A Not sp 'National Education Policy: Analysis Reveals Exclusion in Education Sector
  • University Fee Hikes Pave the Way for Selling Public Assets
  • The Truth About Middle Class 'Revolutions?
  • 50 Years of US Arms Trade: The Lasting Impact on West Asia
  • India Abjures Secularism in Bangladesh's View, Will Regional Cooperation Take a Hit?
  • Amidist Resistance to "De-Tribalisation", A Look at Why Jharkhand Polls are More Critical Than They Appear
  • The Dangerous Game of Citizenship: BJP Creates Divisive Agenda Through NRC
  • Revealed: US Losing Aghan War Due to "Fatally Flawed" War Strategies and Lack of Clear Objetives
  • 'Politics and Prejudice': Can Dalit-Bahujans and left Progressives Join Hands?
  • State Power's Attempts at Rewriting History
  • Afghanista's Tumultous Fourty-Year Journey
  • Nepal: Citizen's Needs Remain Sidelined as Turbulent Game of Politics Continues
  • "Enough is Enough": Secular India Revolts Against a " Majoritarian State"
  • Looking at Cuba's Revolution 61 Years On
  • Soleimani Murder Set to Spiral Out of Control, US Expected to Pressure India Under LEMOA
  • The Rise of Digital Media and The Viral Phenomenon of "Nowledge"
  • Thus Spake JP: Beware the Writing on the Wall
  • Sri Lankan Government Must Pay Attention to Problem-Solving in the North
  • Drowning Nation Clutches at Military Might?
  • India's Neighbourhood First Policy Crumbles
  • A Gobal Assault by the Far-Right
  • Delhi Riots: Historical Patterns, Complicity of Forces Point to Planned Violence
  • Behind The Protests Defending Public Education
  • Putting The Judiciary on Trial
  • "Sanctions Are a Crime": During Coronavirus Pandemic, Sanctions Against Iran, Venezuela Causing Medical Shortages
  • Social Messiahs or Smart Entrepreneurs?
  • Justice Gogoi Joining Rajya Sabha Points to a Constitutional Crisis
  • A Russian "Plays Long Game" Firewall for Venezuela Against US Sanctions
  • RSS and the Question of Morality
  • Establishing COVID-19 Hospitals in Record Time
  • A New "Medical Internationalism" Needed: Cuba At the Pandemic Frontlines Even As Wealthy States Neglect Healthcare
  • Why They Suffer: The Human/Animal Conflict
  • More Books and Snowy Mornings
  • Statesmanship Required to Avert Constitutinal Crisis in Sri Lanka
  • Combating 'Hate Virus': Communal Forces Divide in times of Global Pandemin
  • How Biometric Authentication Has Excluded MAny From The Public Distribution System
  • Lessons From Iraq: Before Trump Sues China, US Must pay for Unjust War on Iraq
  • The American War System And The Global 'War of Error'
  • Demilitarising Patriotism in The Covid Fight
  • Muslims Need a Fair Media
  • Sri-Lanka: Shock of Covid-19 Wanes, Nationalist Sentiments Rise as Elections Approach
  • Covid-19 in Brazil: A 21st Century 'Reenactment' of the 19th Century Yellow Fever?
  • Iran's Fuel Tankers for Venezuela Sail to Safety Under 'Chinese Shield'
  • US Protests Bear Lessons For Sri Lanka
  • India and Nepal in For A Prolonged Standoff?
  • The Fifth Schedule: Tribal Advisory Councils and International Perspectives
  • The Asian American Response to Pandemic-Era Racism Must Be Cross-Racial Solidarity
  • Is Police Brutality Exclusive to the USA?
  • Libya's Future Seema to Rest on Arrangements Between Russia And Turkey
  • China's strategic Mind And Method: "Long-Term Planning" Behind Country's Geo-Political Moves
  • Returning Migrants: A Boon For Rural Industrialisation?
  • Why Refugees in Greece Are Afraid of the Word 'Camp'''
  • Black Lives Matter Movement And Its Lessons For India
  • US Provocations Trigger Tension in Sino-American Relations
  • Inclusive Representation Required In Sri Lanka's Decision-Making Bodies
  • Humanists At Risk: Demonising Dissent, Infantilising Society
  • Putin Anticipates 'Cascading Tension', Hints At Need To Rest World Order
  • Why the Neoliberal Agenda Is a Failure at Failure at Fighting Coronavirus
  • Covid-19 Underscores Importance of Local Planning
  • BRI Drive Post-Covid-19 Global Economic Recovery', Claims China
  • Are We Mainstreaming or Simply Trivialising Biodiversity?
  • Is Iran's Influence in Iraq Waning?
  • Green Economic Recovery: A Firm Commitment Required
  • Ease Of Doing Business VS Human Development
  • Provincial Councils The Best Option For A Peaceful Sri Lanka?
  • Revisiting the GDP Paradox
  • Coverange of Ayodhya Sparked "Convenient Collective Amnesia"
  • Prashant Bhushan And The Case of Contempt: "An Example of How Not to Write A Judgment"
  • Strengthening the Capacity of Gram Sabhas
  • Far Right Authoritarian Leaders Have Intensified The Pandemic in Their Countries
  • Congress And The Hindutva Campaign: "The Middle Path is Fast-Disappearing"
  • Trump Faces Backlash at Attempts to Suppress Mail-In Voting
  • Meeting the Covid Challenge to Define Our Nationhood
  • Capitalism's Political Problem: In Constant Conflict With Democracy
  • Anti-CAA Movement: How The 'OutSider' Discourse Dismisses Dissent
  • Centre Shirks Responsibility, "Abandons States" For Political Gain
  • Healing the Health System
  • Emerging Challenges for the International Labour Organisation
  • After Ayodhya, Kashi-Mathura On Temple Politics Agenda?
  • Unlike Today's Farm Bills, Even Britishers' Champaran Agrarian Bill Underwent Legislative Scrutiny
  • Science in Industry and the Academy
  • The US Supreme Court Has Never Been Liberal
  • Coronavirus Pandemic and Recessions: Disastrous for 'White Collar' Jobs
  • What Does Justice Mean Today?
  • Bihar's Political Ennui Can Only be Overcome by the Left
  • Gender Budget: Kerala Leads the Way, The Centre Should Follow
  • The Fight for Right to Information
  • Will Swing Voters Make Bihar Elections a Closer Contest Than Anticipated?
  • AMY Coney Barrett Sworn in as us Supreme Court Judge: Major Victory For the Right Wing
  • Thailand Protests - Youth Demand Greater Democratic Freedom
  • Unemployment a Key Issue in Bihar Elections
  • Capitalists Hungry For Land in Developing Countries Are a Threat to Indigenous Communities
  • Signals From Bihar: BJP and Left 'Sure Winners', Congress 'Neither Here Nor There'
  • Trump Lost But May Continue to Wield His Weapons of Destructions
  • Healing Divisions Post Election is The Challenge
  • 8 'Fruitless' Talks Later: XI Refuses to Budge, Modi in 'No Mood to Ruffle Feathers'
  • A Biden Presidency Hails The Return of The 'Ancien Regime'
  • Locating Nehru's Place In History
  • Why The BJP Has Shifted Focus From 'Congress Mukt Bharat' To Regional Parties
  • As People's Distress Grows, BJP Government is Busy Else where
  • The West Asia Trump Leaves Behind
  • Ambedkar's Vision Stands In Agonising Contrast to the Babri Masjid Demolition
  • Diversity in Nation Building: Recognising the Role of The Minority
  • Farmers Turn the Spotlights on Big Business
  • America's Vaccine Paranoia
  • Afghanistan: Despite US-Taliban Agreements, Peace Remains Elusive
  • Kisan Protests Are More About Survival of the Peasantry
  • Kamalji - Goodbye My Friend!
  • Condolence Message for Mr Kamal Morarka
  • Global dynamics in 2021
  • Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan: Muslims for Composite Indian Nationalism