Winners May Be Losers In Karnataka's Catch 22 Endgame
It was what a film
director would have described as a perfect take. "You are a beginner" says he,
grinding his teeth in simulated anger. "These are your days to learn". A
measured pause; he emotes. "And you are insulting a former Prime Minister, a
senior most leader?" This was Narendra Modi, straight from the Method school of
He was chastising Rahul Gandhi, the Congress President. In the course of a
fierce three way election campaign, Rahul, prompted by Chief Minister
Siddaramaiah, described the JDS as the B team of the Sangh Parivar. Modi tore
The manner in which Modi leapt to Gowda's defence raised eyebrows. The outburst
cast the JDS as a party which had BJP's sympathies. Modi, at that moment, could
have reached out and kissed Gowda.
If this creeping murmur reached Muslim enclaves which were once Congress vote
banks, a section of the Muslim vote which would otherwise have travelled
towards Gowda, would check itself. This would be ironical: the "S" in JDS
stands for secular.
After the demolition of the Babari Masjid in 1992, the disenchanted Muslim
vote, walking out of the Congress fold, was waylaid by regional parties. In
Karnataka, this vote took respite under the JDS umbrella.
In these circumstances, is the Congress delusion, of being the "only" national
alternative sustainable when a pan Indian quantity like Muslims is permanently
averse to it in the states? To overtly woo Muslims, Congress leadership has
been advised, risks loss of Hindu vote in direct proportion to the saffron in
the air. Congress avionics are now conditioned entirely by these weather
conditions. Such abject dependence on the weather will have its logic. There
will be occasion when the flight will not take off at all.
Now, the post Babari shortfall has to be made up by holding on assiduously to
the Hindu vote. This requires the kind of Hindu cohesion the Congress is not
geared for. If it plugs upper caste hemorrhage, the lower castes flow out into
It cannot do what the BJP does: pose the Muslim as the unstated other for Hindu
consolidation. The Congress simply steers clear of the Muslim like one would
steer clear of trouble. It differentiates itself from the BJP, though. It has a
distinct self image: it's the party of "good Hindus". It does not endorse the
lumpenization associated with "street" Hindutva or the BJP.
It is a difficult pirouette. How do you project yourself as a squeaky clean
Hindu without criticizing excesses in the name of the cow, love jehad, Muslim
youth languishing and in jails without trial. National monuments like the Red
Fort will now be handed to cement magnates for repair and maintenance and so
Alright, the BJP erects its "hard" Hindu edifice "othering" the Muslims. How
does the Congress delineate its "soft" Hindu outlines? Is there clarity or is
it all hazy and vague?
Modi chastised Rahul for bad mouthing Gowda. Rahul found it so important to
come clean on the subject that he agreed to give his very first newspaper
interview since he became Congress President in December to Karnataka's Deccan
Herald group of newspapers.
He said he was not attacking Gowda at all; he was only inviting Gowda to
explicitly declare whether he was on "that side or this side". An epic
ideological battle was on between the Congress and the BJP. Choose one.
What was the urgency for him to seek this clarification? In fact it is all the
more puzzling because Modi's intervention was designed to soften Gowda towards
the BJP Ã¢â‚¬â€œ it was like an olive branch to the JDS. If amplified, this would have
the effect of the Muslim vote shifting away from the JDS towards the Congress.
Why would Rahul need to neutralize conditions for this possible outcome? Well,
it was a gamble. Rahul needs an outright victory with a safe margin. In a House
of 224 he needs well in excess of 113 seats. Muslim support might help.
Conventional wisdom in Bengaluru gives Congress 95 to 100; BJP 85 to 90 and JDS
35 to 40 in a hung house. This is dicey Ã¢â‚¬â€œ for the Congress. Deve Gowda, as
kingmaker will immolate himself but not make Siddaramaiah the Chief Minister.
The moment Rahul looks for an alternative to Siddaramaiah in order to keep
Gowda in good humour, a new game will have begun.
If Congress wins outright, the credit must go to Siddaramaiah, whatever self
serving message the Congress coterie in New Delhi coaxes out of the result. In
a state historically dominated by Vokkaligas and Lingayats, Siddaramaiah has
brought under one umbrella the upwardly mobile Kuruba (Shepherd) community as
one powerful group. By accepting a demand by a section of the Lingayat
community (the late Gauri Lankesh for instance) that they are "outside" the
Hindu fold, he has created mild disruption in the Veer Shaivite, Lingayat
ranks. BJP's Yeddyurappa, a Lingayat, will face that music.
By replicating, Jayalalithaa's canteens, selling subsidized rice and pulling
out every implement in the populist tool kit, Siddaramaiah has cast a wide net
to ensnare the voter. At a time of Rahul's frenetic temple hopping,
Siddaramaiah's irreligious, Lohiaite persona is refreshing.
What profit for Siddaramaiah to remain affiliated to the Congress if he sees
regional actors play a greater role in post 2019 calculations? Who knows he may
like to consolidate his regional base. Siddaramaiah is not the only one who is
basically averse for a ride in a messy coalition just months before 2019.
Supposing Modi calculates that Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh can be
bunched with 2019 to his advantage. That is why any long term player will not
be enthusiastic about the unstable Karnataka gaddi. But the eager bearer son of
Deve Gowda, H.D. Kumaraswamy is aching to ascend the throne even for a few
months with BJP support, Gowda's denials notwithstanding.
From the Bengaluru throne, the Gowdas, BJP, everybody will then train their
guns on Siddaramaiah. It is Catch 22 for all.